The figures of Jews continued to rise in the runup to Israel's establishment to hit Following Israel's establishment, the Jewish population continued to climb, while the percentage of Arabs declined due to wars in which many of the Arabs were expelled or unjustly forced to flee their homes. Following the war in and its capture of Jerusalem, Israel sought and continues to increase the Jewish population especially in occupied East Jerusalem at the expense of the Arab population, who are subject to high taxes and banned from building homes along with many other restrictions and injustices.
World , Middle East Israel's population hits 9. Injustice and demographics Before the establishment of the Jewish state, the shares of the population between Arabs and Jews were strikingly different.
Please contact us for subscription options. Our children deserve to live in an egalitarian, democratic society free of weapons. This plan is an extension of a program for the economic development of the Arab Israeli sector and other minority communities from through Israeli Arabs account for just 2.
High-tech firms are increasingly opening offices and plants in Arab towns. The intention is to fund a new five-year plan — — in Ofer Dagan, co-executive director of Sikkuy, which advocates for equality between Arabs and Jews, noted the plan had improved the integration of Arab women in the workforce, expanded public transportation in Arab villages, and increased public trust and collaboration between Arab municipalities and the government. A significant sum was also allocated to fighting crime and violence.
Roughly , Arabs live in Jerusalem , most in the eastern part of the city. Hasson quotes Amnon Ramon who said decisions to improve the situation were made for both political and economic reasons. Today, dozens of people involved in the Israeli establishment are dealing with ways to improve life in East Jerusalem. In , more than 1, Israeli Arabs volunteered to serve in the IDF as conscripts or reservists, most after the coronavirus crisis began in March. According to the Manpower Directorate, the number of conscripts from the Arab sector was more than twice that of previous years, and many had signed up for combat units.
The number of those drafted to the Bedouin reconnaissance unit nearly doubled in two years, from 84 in to in In , only 45 people were drafted to the unit. In addition, the number of Muslims mostly Bedouin drafted increased from in to in More than half of those who have drafted went to combat roles.
After conversations with IDF commanders,18 of them chose to continue their service and the rest were released. Some of the new Arab conscripts were being assigned to the Home Front Command in their localities or villages because of their familiarity with the local population and its needs. The IDF is also planning to offer technology studies in Druze villages and Arab high schools, to help them integrate as technicians in the military and allow to acquire a profession for their civilian futures.
A surprising development, that may be related to the improved relations between Israel and some Arab states, was that about people from Arab countries such as Lebanon and Syria expressed an interest in volunteering. In another advancement for the Israeli Arab community, Col.
The Bedouin are a unique population. The state sees them as trespassers and rejects their demands for municipalisation and their large land claims. The lingering of their predicament is reflected in high crime, destitution, suffering and spread of polygyny estimated as a third of families. Download our mobile app for on-the-go access to the Jewish Virtual Library.
Category » Israeli Arabs. Statistics on the Israeli Arab Population. Community Leaders. Abdel Zuabi. Rana Raslan. Bnei Sakhnin. Ibilin University. Political Parties. United Arab List. Or Commission Report. In the nineteen-eighties, he sat on the local council on behalf of the Arab Communist Party, which was then prominent among Arab Israelis. Later, he supported the peace-seeking government of Yitzhak Rabin. Mansour was born in , the fifth of eleven children.
Ghazi maintained that he was the third, but Osama clarified that he had counted only the boys. A shy, portly, well-mannered boy, he excelled at school, though he was a bit of a clown. His father wanted him to go into medicine, a common trajectory for promising Arab students in Israel. Forty-six per cent of those who received a medical license last year were Arabs.
Now he threw himself into nightly study of the Quran, learning its more than six thousand verses by heart. Within a year, he had become an imam at a mosque near his house. Word of his accomplishments reached an erudite and charismatic sheikh, who invited Abbas to join a weekly discussion group of Islamic and political theory.
While serving three years in prison, he underwent a transformation. Darwish died in , but his daughter, Nosiba, described his reckoning to me. After his release, in , Darwish began advocating nonviolence and preaching a more tolerant interpretation of Islam.
One sura of the Quran became his guiding metaphor. It tells the story of Yunus, who is swallowed by a whale and survives because of his piousness. So we will take all of our rights, we will do the maximum for our community, and we will not break the law. The Islamic Movement splintered.
The leaders of its northern branch continued to shun Israeli politics, arguing that the Jewish state had no right to exist. At the time, Abbas was at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem, studying dentistry—a concession to his father, and also to financial necessity.
He co-founded a student council representing the Islamic Movement. Rather than focus on pan-Palestinian causes, he addressed local issues of discrimination, such as a lack of dormitory housing for Arab students. Privately, Abbas struggled to reconcile this ecumenical approach with religious strictures. This moved Abbas deeply. I see it daily. In , Abbas was appointed deputy head of the Islamic Movement. He pushed to hold democratic elections every four years, and to open the ranks to more women.
Abbas still serves as an imam at a mosque outside Tiberias, where his Friday sermons regularly attract some two hundred worshippers. One day, he confided to a senior figure in the Islamic Movement that he was looking for a wife. The daughter, Yakoot, was sixteen, a year shy of legal marrying age. Abbas took one look at her and decided that he would be pleased to wait if he had to.
She was less impressed, in part because of their age difference. Mansour Abbas. She teaches English at the local high school, and has been raising their three children increasingly alone since Abbas entered parliament. He was uneasy about the alliance. The Joint List parties, though ideologically disparate, were united in their support for Palestinian rights and their resistance to Israeli occupation.
When a proposal was raised this summer to grant Israeli work visas to fifteen thousand Palestinian construction workers, Abbas argued that this would harm the livelihood of Arab-Israeli laborers. Under Netanyahu, Israel had passed a string of laws that discriminated against the Arab population. One, from , enshrined Israel as the nation-state of the Jews while disregarding its non-Jewish citizens.
These days, when the Knesset is in session, Abbas comes home only after his Friday sermons, if he comes home at all. Though he rents an apartment in Jerusalem, most nights he crashes on a sofa in his office. In the Knesset, he chairs two committees, dedicated to the Arab sector and to issues of crime and violence, and acts as deputy speaker.
He was from Kabul, an Arab town in the north. Thankfully, she added, his visit was unrelated to the spate of killings there, which had preoccupied Abbas for months. Last August, a skirmish broke out between teen-agers in Kabul, and it soon grew into a clash between two rival families, both prominent in the town.
The violence dragged on into the fall, leaving a member of each family dead and many more injured. With fires raging and masked men shooting out of car windows, Abbas began to visit, hoping to negotiate a peace. In recent years, Kabul has fallen prey to organized crime. The problem is endemic in Arab municipalities. A hundred Arab Israelis have been killed this year, representing more than seventy per cent of all murders in the country. Of those, the police have solved only about twenty per cent, compared with more than fifty per cent in the Jewish community.
The term ArabLivesMatter has begun trending on Twitter. The increase in crime, officials say, reflects a breakdown in trust between Arab citizens and the police, which began in , when the police fatally shot thirteen Arab protesters. Instead, the police have redoubled their efforts in Jewish cities.
In , the government of Ariel Sharon orchestrated a crackdown, which ended with the leaders of Jewish crime families either under arrest or fleeing the country.
Ryan estimates that sixty thousand Arab men now work for the mob, from drug dealers to loan sharks and collectors of protection money.
The effects are not limited to the margins of society. Arab citizens seeking mortgages are often turned away by banks, and many young couples resort to the black market. But local councils lacked the infrastructure to administer the money, and almost half the funding allocated to them went unspent. The councils have instead become a lucrative target for organized crime.
Last year, fifteen Arab council heads were targeted by gunfire or Molotov cocktails.
0コメント